Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) or Zapatistas
The EZLN, or Zapatistas, are an insurgent ‘military’ force largely
based in the mountains of the Mexican southeast. Since 1994, when they entered
international consciousness, they have been opposing the Mexican government,
who the EZLN claims does not represent the wishes, needs and desires of the
(largely indigenous) Zapatistas and their supporting communities. The Zapatistas
have attempted to engage all of Mexico in a dialogue about what Mexico should
be. They also asserted the right to self-determination in of 32 Autonomous Municipalities,
encompassing 1111 villages that are under rebel control. The Mexican government
has been waging a low intensity war (some say medium) against the Zapatistas
and their support bases, carrying out a strategy of intimidation and terror.
Against capitalist exploitation
Cross issue solidarity
Indigenous feminism
Indigenous peoples (against colonialism)
Against state domination
Marcos
CAE
∑Guevara
Direct action
Construction of alternative spaces and zones
Revolution
mst
pga
EDT
CAE
Web homepage: http://www.ezln.org
Email:
Snail mail:
Spokespersons: Subcommandante Marcos (the Sup) is of course the most visible,
but numerous other commandantes act as public spokespeople and write communiqués.
As well, the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee takes on the role
of spokes council.
Historically, the EZLN were based in Chiapas (in the mountains of the Southeast
of Mexico). Now, however, while support bases are still mainly in Chiapas, there
are Zapatismo and supporters throughout Mexico and the world. The huge internet
presence of the EZLN has mean that supporters can be found all over the world.
Of course, Marcos has famously stated that we are all Zapatistas
1983- present.
The Zapatista movement in its recent incarnation actually began sometime around 1983 in the highlands of Chiapas, as a largely peasant movement: “Since 1983, when the EZLN was formed, it has organised itself among some of the most dispossessed and diverse communities in Mexico. Its roots are in the culturally and linguistically distinct Mayan populations of the highlands of Chiapas, and in the colonists of the lowland Lacandon jungle to the east. Its soldiers and support base have lived and worked on plantations and ranches, as subsistence cultivators on poor quality land, as landless wage-labourers, in towns and cities and in small villages...” (“Chapter 1 – The Zapatista Movement”, From The Zapatistas – a Rough Guide website. http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch1.html).
Membership grew throughout the late eighties, in response to the growing disillusionment
of the indigenous population with their ‘representation’ in Mexico.
In 1992, there were waves of organization corresponding with 500 years of resistance
since Columbus (Marcos discusses this in the fifth instalment of “Chiapas
– The Southeast in Two Winds”, available online at http://zapatistas.net/two-winds5.html).
This, combined with the electoral fraud in 1988 and the growing neoliberal agenda
in Mexico, served as major catalysts leading to the eruption in 1994. In 1993,
98% of the Zapatista membership voted to go to war (Ibid).
The declaration of war was made New Year’s Eve, 1994, to coincide with
the date that NAFTA came into effect. On that day, the Zapatistas essentially
occupied Chiapas, as well as liberating prisons and municipal buildings. NAFTA,
as an extension of the neoliberal agenda that was already being pursued in Mexico,
signalled (as Subcommandante Marcos himself said) a death sentence to many in
Mexico. Of particular concern to the indigenous communities in Chiapas were
changes to land ownership: “In order to be eligible for NAFTA, the government
changed article 27 of the Mexican constitution that enables the ejido system
of collectivized agriculture to be broken up and privatized. This is significant
because the majority of indigenous communities and economies are centered around
ejidos. The privatization of the ejidos poses the threat of the extermination
of the indigenous peoples' land base as well as their culture” (Zapatista
Block homepage, http://www.zapatistas.de.vu/). (Of course, the dire warnings
about NAFTA’s effect on Mexico proved true with the devaluation of the
peso in ’94 causing what many consider on of the biggest crises of neoliberalism
yet.) The reinstatement of Article 27 and the renegotiation of NAFTA remain
requirements for the Zapatistas to declare peace.
January 1, 1994 – the Zapatistas took the world by storm January 1, 1994, by declaring war on the Mexican government and the policies of neoliberalism. Twelve days of fighting ensued before a cease-fire was called. The First Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle issued (online at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/ezlnwa.html).
June 1994- The Second Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle is issued after the government’s dialogue is rejected (online at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/ccri_2nd_dec_june94.html)
August, 1994 – National Democratic Convention, Guadalupe Tepeyac. The
Zapatistas invited thousands of indigenous people and members of civil society
to dialogue about the future for Mexico. (http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/accounts/agscon.html)
December 1994 – Zapatista area is greatly increased.
January 1995 – Third Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle (http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/ezln_3rd_declaration.html).
The Zapatistas call for a National Liberation Movement.
April 1995 – The San Andres talks begin.
August-September 1995 – the first Consulta occurs.
February 16, 1996 - San Andres Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture signed
by EZLN and Mexican Government. Of particular interest, the Accords recognize
the right to indigenous territory and autonomy. An English version can be found
at: http://zapatistas.net/accords/
July 1996 – First Intercontinental
Encuentro for Humanity and Against Neoliberalism – La Realidad http://studentorgs.utexas.edu/nave/zapatismo.html
. A huge conference to look at the political, economic, social and cultural
resistances to neoliberalism. See http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/1996/ccri_encount_aug.html
for the Second Declaration of La Realidad.
July 1997 – Second Intercontinental Encounter in Spain
December 22 1997 – Acteal massacre - twenty-one women (four of whom were
pregnant), fifteen children and nineteen men killed by paramilitary forces while
praying in a church. This is part of the growing offensive of the Mexican military,
and is followed by raids on a number of Zapatista bases.
July 1998 – Fifth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle is released (online
at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/ccri_5_dec_lj_july98.html).
March 1999 – A massive Consulta is undertaken across Mexico to discuss
indigenous rights.August 1999 - National Encuentro in Defence Of the Cultural
Heritage is held in la Realidad.
Strike at National University (UNAM)
1999-2000. During this period the Zapatistas
also supported striking teachers and electricity workers.
December 2000 –March 11 2001 – March to Mexico City. A four-month caravan to the capital to meet the new non-PRI president Vincente Fox, where Zapatista delegates consulted with civil society along the way. Below Marcos explains the purpose of the caravan, and responds to the question of whether the EZLN were going at the bidding of Fox:
1. Is Marcos going to Mexico City at the invitation of President Vicente Fox?
No, the zapatista delegation is going to Mexico City on its own initiative and
for the purpose of engaging in dialogue with the Congress of the Union, that
is, with Deputies and Senators. The purpose of that dialogue is to seek approval
of the so-called "Cocopa legislative proposal," which, taken to the
constitutional level, will mean the fulfillment of the agreements reached at
Table One of the San Andrés Dialogues and will be a very important step
on the path to peace in Chiapas. During its march to Mexico City, the zapatista
delegation will engage in dialogue with civil society and the Indian peoples
of 12 Mexican states. It will also be participating in the work of the Third
National Indigenous Congress. All of this for the purpose of promoting the constitutional
recognition of indigenous rights and culture. (“Subcommandante Marcos
Answers 62 Questions from Civil Society”, Zapatista Discussion Group,
Feb 2001, http://zapatistas.net/62/)
July 2002 - National Encuentro for Peace with Justice and Dignity – San
Cristobal. The EZLN’s commitment to the San Andres Accords is reasserted.
(http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/accounts/2002/encuentroJULY.html)
August 8-10, 2003 – Party at Oventic. ‘Death of the Autonomous zones’,
birth of ‘good government juntas’.
September 2003 – participated in the International Farmers and Indigenous
Peoples' Forum at the WTO talks in Cancun.(Some of the above timeline is modified
from “Towards a History of Events” on the Irish Mexico Group website
at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ralertdx.html)
Thousands of indigenous armed with truth and fire, with shame and dignity, shook
the country awake from its sweet dream of modernity. "That is enough!"
their voices scream, enough of dreams, enough of nightmares.
Ever since steel and evangelists dominated these lands, this voice is condemned
to resisting a war of extermination that now incorporates all of the intergalactic
technological advances. Satellites, communication equipment and infrared rays
keep watch on their every move, locate their rebellions, point to, on military
maps, places for the seeding of bombs and death. Tens of thousands of olive
green masks are preparing a new and prosperous war. With indigenous blood they
want to wash their dignity in serving the powerful... to be accomplices in the
unjust delivery of poverty and pain.
The indigenous zapatistas paid for their sins with their blood. What sins? The
sin of not being satisfied with handouts, the sin of insisting on their demands
for democracy, liberty and justice for all Mexico, the sin of their 'everything
for everyone, nothing for us'.
Those who deny the indigenous Mexican peasant the possibility of understanding
the concept of NATION and who obligate him to look to his past (which separates
him from the rest of the country) and prohibit him from looking to the future
(which unites the Nation and which is the ONLY possibility for survival of the
indigenous people) reiterate the division, not of social classes, but (a disguised
form of the aforementioned) the division of categories of citizens: The first
(governing class), the second (the political parties of the opposition) and
the third (all the rest of the citizens). The indigenous would be in the VERY
inferior category of 'citizens in formation', the basement of the Mexican nation,
the waste pile where one goes every once in a while to look for something that
could still be used on the upper floors, or to fix some imperfection that could
endanger the stability or balance in the building.
Basement Mexico is the most dangerous for the Sale Season that is being organized
by Penthouse Mexico. Basement Mexico is the one that has nothing to lose, and
the one that has everything to win. Basement Mexico does not give up, has no
price, resists... From Basement Mexico a voice arose in August of 1994, a voice
that does not speak of war, that does not plan to turn back the clock of history
by 502 years, that does not demand vanguard, that does not exclude tribulations.
'Everything for everyone, nothing for us' speaks the language of the millennium.
The faceless voice, of the unnameables, became common in the National Democratic
Convention. This voice is precisely aimed. It calls Basement Mexico, and it
calls Middle Mexico. 'Do not let our blood be wasted. Do not let the death be
in vane' say the mountains. Let the word join the separate roads, Let the rebellion
also include...
(“The long journey from despair to hope”, Supplement for the Anniversary
of La Jornada. 22/Sept/94 http://struggle.ws/mexico/ezln/marcos_journey_se94.html
)
The Zapatistas, the men and women who rose up in arms so as not to live on their
knees anymore and not those who for centuries have kept us down in ignorance,
misery, death, and hopelessness.
The Zapatistas, the ones who decided to give their life as a guarantee so that
they never again will talk under threats with anybody.
The Zapatistas, the littlest ones, always forgotten, the flesh destined yesterday
to death by diarrhoea, malnutrition, forgotten, in the coffee fields, in the
landowner’s fields, the streets, the mountain.
The Zapatistas, the littlest ones, always forgotten, the flesh destined tomorrow
to serve as polygon of exercise for the modern armament of an army which instead
of defending national sovereignty and point their weapons against the traitors
of the homeland, they point to their siblings in blood, soil and history.
The Zapatistas, the millionaires of undelivered promises, the ones who cover
their face, so that their brothers and sisters in other lands can see them.
The Zapatistas the ones of ``for everybody everything, nothing for us."
The Zapatistas, the ones who taught to the present rulers what they did not
learn in post graduate studies abroad, and what is not in textbooks of the ones
who miseducate the Mexican children: that which is shame, dignity for human
beings and love for homeland and history.
The Zapatistas, the ones who, in the middle of a country of fritters, foreign
goods, ``grate'' macroeconomic achievements, fictitious first worlds y despairs
of change, they drew up again, in the soil and sky of these lands, the six letters
that had already been sold cheap in the international market: Mexico.
The Zapatistas, the men, women, children and old people who (long before those
who today usurpe the Mexican will, were a dream even in the blood of their last
generation), reside, live and die in these lands. The ones who together with
other Indigenous people gave to this country, as national seal, the image of
the eagle devouring a serpent.
The Zapatistas, we, you, all the ones who are not themselves...
(“The Zapatistas Hike up the Price of the Indigenous Mexican blood”,
La Jornada, February 13, 1995, http://struggle.ws/mexico/ezln/marcos_blood_loan_feb95.html)
...One of the mysteries of Ezeelen is uncovered. A lively and violent wind,
sweet and bitter, blows a paper to the feet of an indigenous peasant. On the
paper one can read: "Declaration of Principles of the EZLN"
"A certain dose of tenderness is necessary in order to walk when there
is so much against you in order to awaken when you're so exhausted. A certain
dose of tenderness is necessary in order to see, in this darkness, a small ray
of light in order to make order from shame and obligations. A certain dose of
tenderness is necessary in order to get rid of all of the sons of bitches that
exist. But sometimes a certain dose of tenderness is not enough and it's necessary
to add...a certain dose of bullets."
(”There will be a storm” October 8, 1994. http://struggle.ws/mexico/ezln/marcos_storm_oct94.html
)
The Zapatistas are a revolutionary army. However, their model for change goes
much deeper than a simple military coup. Indeed, as distinct from most revolutionary
armies, the Zapatistas have always maintained that they are not fighting in
order to seize Power. Instead, they wage a war that attempts to renegotiate
power, and to make themselves obsolete. As the Sup says –
"We have come to realize that the problem is not that of taking power,
but rather who exercises it... It is perhaps for this reason--the lack of interest
in power--that the word of the Zapatistas has been well received in other countries
across the globe, above all in Europe. It has not just been because it is new
or novel, but rather because it is proposing this, which is to say, to separate
the political problem from the problem of taking power, and take it to another
terrain... Our work is going to end, if it ends, in the construction of this
space for new political relationships. What follows is going to be a product
of the efforts of other people, with another way of thinking and acting. And
there we are not going to work; instead, we would be a disturbance."
(Libra, Carmen. “Interview with Marcos, August 1995”, La Journada,
August 25. http://www.struggle.ws/mexico/ezln/inter_marcos_consult_aug95.html).
The Zapatistas struggle appears to be
fundamentally different from many other revolutionary struggles precisely because
of this different attitude towards power. They suggest a different, autonomous
model of decision-making, one that stresses both difference and consensus at
the same time. They are struggling for a completely different political landscape,
one that is truly participatory. As such, the Zapatistas more then anything
have been about the creation of alternatives, particularly within the autonomous
municipalities, where decision making is vested in the people.
This new attitude is perhaps best summed
up in the Irish Mexico Group’s “What is Different about the Zapatistas
(at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/zapatista.html,
a great in depth discussion of the topic). They say: “The purpose of the
organization is not to seize power on behalf of the people – rather it
is to create a space in which people can define their own power”.
They do, at times, seem to argue for things that may be considered more ‘reformist’,
particularly in discussing the possibilities for democracy in Mexico. Marcos
describes, in a communiqué entitled “The Sup will take off his
Mask if Mexico takes off its Mask” from January 20, 1994, the three themes
that have become a rallying cry of the Zapatistas – democracy, freedom
and justice. He says, “This democratic space will have three fundamental
premises that are already historically inseparable: the democratic right of
determining the dominant social project, the freedom to subscribe to one project
or another, and the requirement that all projects must point the way towards
justice.”
It is, of course, notoriously difficult to pin down the Zapatistas on anything.
There is also bound to be a divide between the theoretical inclinations of Marcos
(‘unmasked’ as a university educated mestizo) and that of the population
of the 1111 Zapatista villages.
One obvious important background figure is that of Emiliano Zapata himself.
Relatively uneducated, he nonetheless managed to mobilize support and gather
a huge following. The Zapatistas often throw past Mexican revolutionaries into
their communiqués. The guerrilla tactics of Che Guevara have had an obvious
impact as well, and one of the Autonomous Municipalities is named after Che.
Marcos repeatedly says throughout all the communiqués that his main education
has through the teaching of those around him, the men and women of the various
ethnic groups that comprise the Zapatistas. Thus, he is far more likely to relate
something that Old Man Antonio or Durito the beetle said than to quote Marx
or Baukunin. References to music, poetry and literature also abound.
As far as a theoretical ‘paradigm’ goes, it is again difficult to
define where the Zapatistas fit in. There certainly seems to be a strong autonomist/anarchist
thread running through much of the theory (if not the practice) of Zapatistas,
but rarely is this ever made explicit. Marcos writes: “It could be that
they accuse me of being an anarchist, but value my report as a humble homage
to the old Spanish anarchists, that there are those who silence their heroism
and don't shine less for it.” (“EZLN sends greetings to the Madrid
Aguascalientes”, October 12, 2002, http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2002/marcos/madridOCT.html)
One thing that is clear, however, is their desire to differentiate themselves
from past revolutionary movements that have simply replaced old forms of congealed
power with new forms. The title of a recent communiqué from Marcos –
“ I shit on revolutionary vanguards” – makes this abundantly
clear.
In general, the “Party-State” of Mexican politics – the corrupt
Mexican government, whether it is PRI or PAN. Neo-liberalism, and all of its
standard bearers, are also targets.
The Zapatistas are of course infamous for their groundbreaking use of the internet
as a tool of mobilization. There are numerous websites, newsgroups etc devoted
to disseminating the words of the Zapatistas (although most English versions
are now dormant). Further discussion of this aspect can be found in numerous
places; “Zapatistas in Cyberspace” is a good place to start http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/zapsincyber.html
In addition to the internet they also utilize traditional print communications,
and now have a radio station.
The Zapatistas are a huge draw for the media, mainstream and indy alike. Outside
of Mexico, even mainstream media has tending to have a slight blush of awe when
discussing the Zapatistas. Left wing/ activist press (such as Zmag and Indymedia)
have entire sections devoted to the Zapatistas. Most of this coverage has died
down, however, partially as a result of the long silence of the Zapatistas in
the late 90’s. A survey/critique of the English media’s coverage
of the recent party at Oventic can be found at: http://www.narconews.com/print.php3?ArticleID=869&lang=en
The Zapatistas employ a wide variety of tactics. They began with the obviously
violent tactic of military insurgency, and for the first month discussed military
tactics at length. As the waned, their success at using the media for support
became evident. Since 1994, non-violent tactics have dominated. Communication
through the media still remains important, but this is backed up by their numerous
conferences (that often resemble fiestas more then anything) and the Consultas,
which are an attempt at direct-democracy. The Zapatistas engage in all sorts
of activities that may be considered ‘tactical’, but more than anything
are an attempt to build a new life. In this sense, the ongoing cultural, economic
and political activities of the Autonomous Municipalities are a tactic in themselves.
Intercontinental Network of Alternative
Communication (Spanish acronym = RICA)
The Intercontinental Encounter of 1996 in Chiapas
Second American Encounter against Neoliberalism and for Humanity that has been
called by comrades in Brazil.
(see also the timeline above)
People’s Global Action – A network of resistance to free trade and
neoliberalism. “PGA was created by activists from ten of the most innovative
social movements in the world: The Zapatistas, the Landless Peasant Movement
in Brazil, the Karnataka State Farmers Union in India, and others. PGA was originally
inspired by the Zapatistas and the idea was formulated at an encuentro (gathering)
for humanity and against neoliberalism in 1996.”
(Zapatista Block homepage, http://www.zapatistas.de.vu/)
The PGA (or APG) website can be found at: http://www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/
National Indigenous Congress – A network stretching across Mexico that
encompasses hundreds of indigenous and ethnic groups, initiated by indigenous
supporters of the Zapatistas.
Zapatista National Liberation Front – A forum of civil resistance in which
the EZLN participates as one of hundreds of movements for the radical transformation
of Mexican society. Often considered the ‘political’ wing of the
EZLN, but a political entity that does not struggle for power. See http://www.ezln.org/archivo/fzln/fzln.html
Shadows of Tender Fury: The Letters and Communiqués of Subcommandante
Marcos and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation. trans. Frank Bardacke,
Leslie Lopez and the Watsonville California Human Rights Committee. New York:
Monthly Review Press, 1995.
-- Although only containing the first year of communiqués, this still
remains and excellent source of the early, formative writings of the Zapatistas.
Ryter, Loren. Pipedreams: some implications of the Zapatistas for democratic
theory
http://students.washington.edu/loren/zap3.html
Submitted as part of a M.A. in Political Science, this essay discusses the Zapatistas
and the difficulties of representation.
Background on the Cocopa law:
1. Who made the "Cocopa Law", and what does this law say?
The so-called "Cocopa law" was drawn up in December of 1996 by legislators
from the Commission of Concordance and Peace (Cocopa). The legislators belonged
to the 4 most important political parties: the PRI, the PAN, the PRD and the
PT. The zapatistas did not make this legislative proposal, rather the legislators
did: those who make the laws in Mexico. The so-called "Cocopa law"
takes up the most important of the first San Andrés Accords, signed by
the government and the EZLN in February of 1996: it recognizes the right of
the indigenous peoples to inclusionary autonomy (that is, that their difference
is recognized, but they continue to be Mexicans), without breaking national
unity and respecting human rights, especially those of indigenous woman. It
also notes that the indigenous peoples should be taken into account in decision-making
which affects them. That their culture should be respected and promoted. And
that there should be guarantees that their voice is listened to and heeded,
and that they have the right to have representation in the Congress of the Union
and in the state Congresses. Fundamentally, the "Cocopa Law" constitutionally
recognizes a reality: the Indian peoples are part of Mexico, and they have their
own forms of social and political organization. That is, they have the right
to be indigenous and to be Mexicans.
(“Subcommandante Marcos Answers 62 Questions from Civil Society”,
Zapatista Discussion Group, Feb 2001, http://zapatistas.net/62/)
The Structure of the EZLN
army structure:
The EZLN’s military wing is structured
like a ‘traditional army’. This means that there are hierarchies
of command and titles etc., and that officers are appointed from the top down.
However, as distinct from most other armies, the EZLN’s army is not an
end in itself, instead it is seen as a temporary measure. Also, unlike other
armies, the EZLN is not only accountable to itself – major decisions always
emerge from the support base (What is it that is Different about the Zapatistas?”,
from the Irish Mexico Group at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/comment/andrew_diff_feb01.html).
Below, Marcos briefly explains why the EZLN still maintain that they are an
‘army’.
16. Why does the EZLN say "army"?
Because it is organized as an army, and it fulfills all international regulations
for recognition as an army. When the war began, the EZLN did so fulfilling international
conventions: it formally declared war, it has recognizable uniforms, ranks and
insignias, it respects the civil population and neutral bodies. The EZLN has
weapons and military organization and discipline.
(“Subcommandante Marcos Answers 62 Questions from Civil Society”,
Zapatista Discussion Group, Feb 2001, http://zapatistas.net/62/)
Past Structure:
CCRIs
The army is beholden to the Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committees
(CCRI). These are local committees that appoint delegates who report to a general
council (the CCRI-GC), which then is in control of the army. It is important
to note that it is not permissible to have a position in both structures –
this would imply a conflict of interest. This system is regulated by the system
of “Governing-Obeying”. In brief, this is a simple system of delegate
democracy where any decided upon delegate can be removed by the community at
any time – there is no fixed term of service, and for one to continue
in their position as a ‘responsible’ they must maintain the support
of the community. Within Zapatista communities, most decisions are apparently
made collectively, on a consensus model, in local assembles where everyone (men
and women alike) over the age of 12 can participate. While this is often portrayed
as a ‘traditional’ indigenous model, it is important to note that
in many communities such assembles were either exclusively male or dominated
by elders, something that has had to be actively overcome.
Marcos describes the system of checks and balances as such:
When the authority goes amiss, becomes corrupt or, to use a local term, "is
a shirker," he is removed from his position, and a new authority replaces
him. In the zapatista communities, the position of authority is not remunerated
at all (during the time that the person is in authority, the community helps
to support him). It is conceived as work in the collective interest, and it
is rotated. It is not infrequently enforced by the collective in order to punish
laxness or indifference of some of its members, such as, when someone misses
a lot of the community assemblies, they are punished by being given a position
such as municipal agent or ejidal commissioner.
Subcommandante Marcos, Chiapas: The 13th Stele Part Five: A History, July 2003,
http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2003/marcos/historyJULY.html
For a brief first hand description of a community meeting, see “Testimony:
Direct Democracy in Diez de Abril” from Chapter 1 – The Zapatista
Movement, The Zapatistas – a Rough Guide website. http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch1.html
As well as appointing delegates to the CCRI’s, Autonomous Municipalities
elect local leaders independently from the national government. This is often
signified by the ‘baston de mando’, or wooden stick signifying the
choice of local leader. Health and education are also critical areas of self-determination:
“The communities also name their own teachers and local health promoters.
A central aspect of their struggle for autonomy is to regain control of education
within their villages, promoting the local use of indigenous languages and bilingualism,
and a curriculum that strengthens their cultures and is relevant to rural life.
Equally, new health organisations focus on the prevention of disease and respect
for and revival of indigenous practices and knowledge of medicine. ...villages
within the autonomous municipalities elaborate their own legal system for settling
disputes” (Chapter 1.2, “The Struggle for Autonomy From The Zapatistas
– a Rough Guide website. http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch12.htm).
This aspect of local justice has attracted much attention, as communities suggest
that traditional mechanisms for dealing with ‘offences’ are far
more effective and less harmful to the community at large.
Consultas
The consultas are a large-scale way for the Zapatistas to gauge memberships
support for major decisions and government proposals. The below excerpt from
“What is Different about the Zapatistas” discusses the consultas
that occurred when the Zapatistas agreed to enter into talks with the Mexican
government on June of 1994.
How are such consultations carried out? Another communiqué from the same
period explained the consulta process;
"The consultations took place in every community and ejido where there
are members of the EZLN.
The study, analysis, and discussion of the peace accords took place in democratic
assemblies. The voting was direct, free, and democratic.
After the voting, official reports of the results of the assemblies were prepared.
These reports specify: the date and place of the assembly, the number of people
who attended (men, women and children older than 12 years old), opinions and
principal points discussed, and the number of people who voted."(“How
the consultations with the communities was done”, CCRI, La Jornada, June
3, 1994, http://www.struggle.ws/mexico/ezln/ccri_how_consult_june94.html)
The consulta is similar to a referendum but one in which intense discussions
in each community is as central to the process as the vote itself. The purpose
of these discussions can be to frame the questions that will be voted on. This
is important, as it is through dictating the wording of referenda that governments
can often impose limitations on what their effect will be. The Zapatista consulta
take weeks and have been a great source of annoyance to the Mexican government,
which always wants an answer to its proposals on the spot or within days.
Thus, the consultas are a long process by which individual communities
discuss at lengths the issues before them and where they want to go, a process
which eventually builds to an aggregate decision.
Autonomous Municipalities
The Autonomous Municipalities are larger regional bodies, comprised of a number
of communities. They, more so then the CCRIs or military, administer the day
to day life of the Zapatista communities. It is often at this level that important
decisions such as health care and education are decided.
Enlace Civil, as quoted in “What is Difference about the Zapatistas?”,
say the following about the Autonomous Municipalities:
It is the communities who elect their representatives for the Autonomous Municipal
Council, which is the authority for the municipality. Each representative is
chosen for one area of administration within the autonomous municipality, and
they may be removed if they do not fully comply with the communities’
mandates.
Generally, a Council is made up of a President, a Vice-President, a Secretary,
a Minister of Justice, a person in charge of Agrarian Matters, a Health Committee
and a director for the Civil Registry. Each members’ powers are clearly
defined within their appointment, and they function in a collegial manner, with
the advice of previous authorities or of the Council of Elders.
The Councils are elected and renewed every one or two years, according to the
municipality.
The activities and the responsibilities of each autonomous municipality are
dependent on the will of their members, and on their level of consolidation.
They do not manage public resources, and their budget, if it exists at all,
is very limited, and due to the cooperation of some of their members. Those
who hold a position on the Municipal Council do not receive a salary for it,
although their expenses should be paid by the same communities who request their
presence, through cooperation among the members. In some cases, members of the
Council are supported in their farm work, so they can dedicate themselves to
their [Council] work, and not have to go the fields.
The autonomous municipalities resolve local problems of coexistence, relations
and exchanges between communities, and they attend to minor crimes. The application
of justice is based on customary law. For example, in cases of common crimes,
the punishment imposed by the Autonomous Council is reparation of the damages:
instead of punishment by jail or fines, a sentence is imposed of working for
the community, or for the aggrieved family.
Death of the Aguascalientes – Recent News-
This summer, Marcos wrote a series of communiqués, ending with “Chiapas:
The Thirteenth Stele” (http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2003/marcos/deathJULY.html),
where a death was announced. This death was the death of the "Aguascalientes".
Marcos explained how the first Aguascalientes (shell) was created during the
National Democratic Convention. It was a place that was designed as a sort of
community center, with a library, and was designed as a place for dialogue.
The original Aguascalientes at Guadalupe Tepeyac was eventually seized by the
army, but more emerged. The became, in a sense, regional headquarters.
But, as of August 8, 2003, the Aguascalientes are dead. However, the party that
took place at Oventic at this time was not just a wake. It also was to celebrate
a birth. This was the birth of the ‘Caracoles” (snails) and the
‘Good Government Juntas’.
The Good Government Juntas will "be seated in the `Caracoles,' with one
junta for each rebel region, and it will be formed by 1 or 2 delegates from
each one of the Autonomous Councils of that region. The following will continue
to be the exclusive government functions of the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities:
"the provision of justice; community health; education; housing; land;
work; food; commerce; information and culture, and local movement. "The
Clandestine Revolutionary Indigenous Committee in each region will monitor the
operations of the Good Government Juntas in order to prevent acts of corruption,
intolerance, injustice and deviation from the zapatista principle of `Governing
Obeying.'" (Podour, Justin. “From Aguascalientes to Caracoles”,
Zmag, September 12, 2003 http://www.zmag.org/sustainers/content/2003-09/12podur.cfm
)
The purpose of the Good Government Juntas is to deal with two problems emerging
from the Autonomous Municipalities. In “The History of the Rebel Zapatista
Autonomous Municipalities:CHIAPAS: The Thirteenth Stele, Part Five: A History”
(online at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2003/marcos/historyJULY.html).
Marcos says: “The problems of the autonomous authorities, in the period which is now over, can be divided into two types: those having to do with their relationship with national and international civil society, and those having to do with self-governance, that is, with relations with zapatista and non-zapatista communities.”
The first problem is one of the unequal development of the Municipalities, according
to which areas the international aid workers are drawn. Marcos draws attention
to the numerous problems created by those wishing to ‘help’ the
Zapatistas, and the uneven way this help has been distributed. Thus, one of
the major new function of the new juntas is the ‘equal’ distribution
of projects and monies. It will no longer be possible to earmark funds or project
for a specific municipality; instead, the juntas will be responsible for allocating
such projects to where they are actually needed and wanted.
The second problem is partly how decisions are made within Zapatista communities,
and also involves the problem of discerning who is and is not Zapatista. Marcos
suggests that the Good Government Juntas are a way to further reduce the likelihood
of corruption and congealed power, as well as a way to further distance the
army from where decisions actually take place. He says: “What I mean by
this is that the EZLN's military structure in some way "contaminated"
a tradition of democracy and self-governance. The EZLN was, in a manner of speaking,
one of the "undemocratic" elements in a relationship of direct community
democracy (another anti-democratic element is the Church, but that's a matter
for another paper).” (“The History of the Rebel Zapatista Autonomous
Municipalities:CHIAPAS: The Thirteenth Stele, Part Five: A History”, http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2003/marcos/historyJULY.html).
As well, the juntas will be responsible for registering Zapatistas and issuing certification for Zapatista communities, in an effort to mitigate the amount of ‘false’ Zapatistas that apparently have been using the cause for personal gain. Marcos says this should reduce confusion:
And so, members of civil society will now know with whom they must reach agreement
for projects, peace camps, visits, donations and etcetera. Human rights defenders
will now know to whom they should turn over the denuncias they receive and from
whom they should expect a response. The army and the police now know whom to
attack (just bearing in mind that we, meaning the EZLN, have already gotten
involved there).
The media which says what they're paid to say now know whom to slander and/or
ignore. Honest media now know where they can go in order to request interviews
or stories on the communities. The federal government and its `commissioner'
now know what they have to do to not exist. And the Power of Money now knows
who else they should fear. (“Part Six: A Good Government for Chiapas”,
http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2003/marcos/governmentJULY.html)
These developments are too recent for there to be much critical commentary on
them. Certainly, there will be misgivings about the practice of ‘registering’
Zapatistas – this seems problematic for a number of reasons, and will
hopefully only really serve to mediate between the unwanted attentions of aid
societies and those that would have their money. How much different the Caracoles
are from the Aguascalientes remains to be seen as well, as there does not appear
to be a substantial difference between the two. The centralization of aid dollars,
while it may seem to be a move towards central control (and away from true autonomy)
seems more than anything to be an expression of frustration at the interference
of ‘outsiders’ who insist on sending charity and pity to those who
do not want it.
The Caracoles may be simply the addition of another unnecessary structure, or
they may be an important agency, or they may be nothing really new at all. It
still remains to be seen.
The Irish Mexico Group’s page has a wide variety of background info on
the Zapatistas: http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico.html
Indymedia Centre Chiapas has up-to-date news articles on the region, some in
English: http://chiapas.mediosindependientes.org/
Links to Zapatista books (and hotlinks
to order them through Amazon): http://zapatistas.org/books/
Tactical Media Crew’s Chiapas page (in Italian) -http://www.tmcrew.org/chiapas.htm
Zapatista Women - http://www.actlab.utexas.edu/~geneve/zapwomen/enter.html
Znet has a Chiapas watch page - http://www.zmag.org/ZNET.htm
Up-to-date communiqués can be found at: http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezlnco.html
Past Communiqués (1994) can be found at: http://lanic.utexas.edu/project/Zapatistas/
We don't take anyone seriously, not even ourselves.
Because whoever takes themselves seriously
has stopped with the thought that their truth
should be the truth for everyone and forever.
(“I shit on all the revolutionary vanguards of this planet”, Zapatista National Liberation Army, January 9 to 12, 2003, http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2003/marcos/etaJAN.html